Political ideals, by Bertrand Russell
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Political ideals, by Bertrand Russell
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Political ideals, by Bertrand Russell - Published on: 2015-06-25
- Released on: 2015-06-25
- Original language: English
- Dimensions: 9.00" h x .43" w x 6.00" l,
- Binding: Paperback
- 188 pages
Political ideals, by Bertrand Russell Review ". . . a good example of the best of Russell's work." -- British Book News
From the Back Cover Perhaps the most profoundly influential thinker of the 20th century, Bertrand Russell's emphasis on science, logic, and humanism shocked readers of his time and continues to lend his work a modern authority.
This collection of Russell's outlook on capitalism and socialism, individual liberty, and globalism was first published in 1917, but it is as fresh and relevant today as it was almost a century ago.
From his cry against the economic slavery of the majority of workers to his championing of the unconventional, this is an essential peek into the beliefs that shaped Russell's later work and a rallying cry for the radical intellectual.
About the Author Bertrand Russell (1872-1970) was born in England and educated at Trinity College, Cambridge. His long career established him as one of the most influential philosophers, mathematicians, and social reformers of the twentieth century.
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0 of 0 people found the following review helpful. ONE OF RUSSELL'S FIRST BOOKS ON POLITICS, WRITTEN DURING WWI By Steven H Propp Bertrand Arthur William Russell (1872-1970) was an influential British philosopher, logician, mathematician, and political activist. In 1950, he was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature, in recognition of his many books such as A History of Western Philosophy, The Problems of Philosophy, The Philosophy of Logical Atomism, The Analysis of Mind, Our Knowledge of the External World, Human Knowledge: Its Scope and Limits, Mysticism and Logic, etc.He wrote in the first chapter of this 1917 book, "Political ideals must be based upon ideals for the individual life. The aim of politics should be to make the lives of individuals as good as possible. There is nothing for the politician to consider outside or above the various men, women, and children who compose the world. The problem of politics is to adjust the relations of human beings in such a way that each severally may have as much of good in his existence as possible. And this problem requires that we should first consider what it is that we think good in the individual life." (Pg. 4)He adds, "Those who realize the harm that can be done to others by any use of force against them, and the trustworthiness of the goods that can be acquired by force, will be very full of respect for the liberty of others; they will not try to bind them or fetter them; they will be slow to judge and swift to sympathize; they will treat every human being with a kind of tenderness, because the principle of good in him is at once fragile and infinitely precious. They will not condemn those who are unlike themselves; they will know and feel that individuality brings differences and uniformity means death. They will wish each human being to be as much a living thing and as little a mechanical product as it is possible to be; they will cherish in each one just those things which the harsh usage of a ruthless world would destroy. In one word, all their dealings with others will be inspired by a deep impulse of REVERENCE." (Pg. 13)He further says, "It is a sad evidence of the weariness mankind has suffered from excessive toil that his heavens have usually been places where nothing ever happened or changed. Fatigue produces the illusion that only rest is needed for happiness; but when men have rested for a time, boredom drives them to renewed activity." (Pg. 23)He points out, "There is probably one purpose, and only one, for which the use of force by a government is beneficent, and that is to diminish the total amount of force used in the world. It is clear, for example, that the legal prohibition of murder diminishes the total amount of violence in the world." (Pg. 29) He adds, "Democracy is a device---the best so far invented---for diminishing as much as possible the interference of governments with liberty." (Pg. 30)In the chapter on Capitalism, he wrote, "We may distinguish four purposes at which an economic system may aim: first, it may aim at the greatest possible production of goods and at facilitating technical progress; second, it may aim at securing distributive justice; third, it may aim at giving security against destitution; and, fourth, it may aim at liberating creative impulses and diminishing possessive impulses... Our present system fails in all purposes. It is chiefly defended on the ground that it achieves the first of the four purposes, namely, the greatest possible production of material goods, but it only does this in a very short-sighted way, by methods which are wasteful in the long run both of human material and or natural resources." (Pg. 43-44)He suggests, "Economic justice is perhaps the most obvious evil of our present system. It would be utterly absurd to maintain that the men who inherit great wealth deserve better of the community than those who have to work for their living. I am not prepared to maintain that economic justice requires an exactly equal income for everybody. Some kinds of work require a larger income for efficiency than others do; but there is economic injustice as soon as a man has more than his share, unless it is because his efficiency in his work requires it, or as a reward for some definite service." (Pg. 48-49)He observes, "The most dangerous aspect of the tyranny of the employer is the power which it gives him of interfering with men's activities outside their working hours. A man may be dismissed because the employer dislikes his religion or his politics, or chooses to think his private life immoral... Such cases actually occur at present. This evil would not be remedied, but rather intensified, under state socialism, because, where the State is the only employer, there is no refuge from its prejudices such as may now accidentally arise through the differing opinions of different men." (Pg. 54-55)In the chapter on "Pitfalls of Socialism," he states, "One of the sources of evil in modern large democracies is the fact that most of the electorate have no direct or vital interest in most of the questions that arise... Should gypsies be compelled to abandon their nomadic life at the bidding of the education authorities? ... Should Christian Scientists be compelled to call in doctors in case of serious illness? These are matter of passionate interest to certain sections of the community, but of very little interest to the great majority. If they are decided according to the wishes of the numerical majority, the intense desires of a minority will be overborne by the very slight and uninformed whims of the indifferent remainder." (Pg. 90-91)In the chapter on "Individual Liberty," he acknowledges, "Religion, to begin with, is recognized as a matter in which the state ought not to interfere. Whether a man is Christian, Mahometan, or Jew is a question of no public concern, so long as he obeys the laws; and the laws ought to be such as men of all religions can obey. Yet even here there are limits. No civilized nation would tolerate a religion demanding human sacrifice. The English in India put an end to suttee, in spite of a fixed principle of non-interference with native religious customs... We cannot EFFECTIVELY doubt that such practices ought to be stopped, however we may theorize in favor of religious liberty." (Pg. 110)In the chapter on "National Independence," he says, "What constitutes a nation is a sentiment and an instinct, a sentiment of similarity and an instinct of belonging to the same group or herd. The instinct if an extension of the instinct which constitutes a flock of sheep, or any other group of gregarious animals. The sentiment which goes with this is like a milder and more extended form of family feeling. When we return to England after being on the Continent, we feel something friendly in the familiar ways, and it is easy to believe that Englishmen on the whole are virtuous, while many foreigners are full of designing wickedness." (Pg. 148)This book was written during Russell's early period of political activism (including pacifism, and opposition to the First World War, for which he was imprisoned), and it reflects his ideals of time. It is particularly helpful for studying the development of his political philosophy.
0 of 0 people found the following review helpful. Political Ideals is a long lecture that Bertrand Russell was ... By Billie Pritchett Political Ideals is a long lecture that Bertrand Russell was banned from giving (I believe at a university), but which one of his friends read in his stead, and his friend only afterward credited Russell as the writer of the lecture. His friend did this for him because he thought, apparently, the lecture was important enough to give. Political Ideals is a book that promotes human beings' innate creative capacities instead of their innate possessive tendencies. Seeming inconsistencies in the book could be illustrated by the following example. In an early section, Russell argues for the abolition of capitalism since he believes this encourages possessive tendencies over human creativity. Then in a later section when he is writing of trade between nations, he argues that countries should not impose tariffs in importing and exporting resources and that free trade is the optimal condition in arrangements between nations. The inconsistency, then, would be between promoting on the one hand the abolition of the capitalist system and on the other hand the promotion of free trade, which if capitalism is understood as the investment of time, labor, resources, etc., for profit in terms of a wage or resources deemed to be of equal value, then free trade would be the absence of restriction upon goods and services exchanged in a capitalist system. Russell's views, therefore, promote capitalism and discourage it. However, no inconsistency exists between the two positions if a person distinguishes between what Noam Chomsky calls 'goals' and 'visions.' Visions are long-term schemas that are to be reached at some future point or that are supposed to, at least, provide the position that one would hope to reach, to maximize, say, justice. Goals are short-term, immediate plans to deal with immediate problems. Using this understanding, Russell's goal or short-term plan would be to encourage free trade and his vision or long-term schema would be the abolition of capitalism.Although I agree that it is important to have certain goals and visions if one wishes to have some sort of political position, I disagree with several of the particularities and the realistic prospects of doing what Russell proposes. But I shouldn't editorialize. You should read the book for yourself, and make up your own mind.
0 of 0 people found the following review helpful. On Political Ideals. By Joe T. Kiff Sr. Each individual has an opinion about that which he sees, and thus that individual has his own "slant" that he considers to be correct. The opinion of one man can either be in agreement with the writer, or holding fast to his own view. I find myself in diametric opposition to Russell on his "Stand on God" because I have great faith in an All Powerful Creator. However The firmness of our convictions cannot prove or disprove the intangible nature of the Infinite, of which, neither has a complete "Picture". Each must search diligently through whatever evidence is presenting itself and, in turn, pass on an incomplete picture to the next generation. Until the quest has completed we must continue to search, compelled by the curious nature of man, to Seek Truth and do our best to determine correctness of our limited understanding.
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